(English Article) I Have a Dream (By Martin Luther King in 1963)

goahead

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration(遊行活動) for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago(在100年前), a great American, in whose symbolic(象徵的) shadow(影子) we stand today, signed the Emancipation(解放) Proclamation(宣言). This momentous(重要的) decree(法令) came as a great beacon light(指路明燈) of hope to millions of Negro slaves(黑奴) who had been seared(打烙印) in the flames(火焰) of withering(毀滅性的) injustice(不公義). It came as a joyous(歡愉的) daybreak(破曉) to end the long night of their captivity(束縛).

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.


It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

The sources:http://www.usconstitution.net/dream.html

waynechen251

有無中文翻譯Orz

goahead

Sorry I have no time to translate the whole speech.
Therefore I just translate one of the paragraphs weekly ^^

waynechen251

嗯 我還是聽不懂你的回覆 Orz

夜鷹

我很高興能與你今天在什麼將載入史冊的最偉大的示威的自由，我們國家的歷史。

一百年前（在100年前），一位偉大的美國人，在其象徵的影子今天我們簽署了解放宣言。 這重要的法令作為一個偉大的燈塔,希望數以百萬計的黑奴誰已烙的火焰毀滅這個不公義。 它的到來猶如歡樂的破曉，結束漫漫長夜的束縛。

但是，百年之後，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。 一百年後，黑人的生活依然悲慘地蹣跚於種族隔離的鐐銬和歧視的鎖鏈。 一百年後，黑人依然生活在貧困的孤島上的中間，一個物質繁榮的汪洋大海。 一百年後，黑人依然在監獄裡服刑的美國社會的角落，發現自己的流亡者在自己的土地。 所以，我們今天來到這裡，以引起人們對一個可恥的條件。

在某種意義上，我們已經來到我們國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。 當我們共和國的締造者寫下了輝煌篇章憲法和獨立宣言，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。 這說明是一個承諾，所有的人，是的，黑人和白人，將是保證生命的不可剝奪的權利，自由和追求幸福。

這是今天美國顯然拖欠著這張期票她的公民的顏色問題。 而是履行這項神聖的義務，美國給了黑人一張空頭支票，支票退了回來蓋著“資金不足”。 但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行已經破產。 我們不相信有足夠資金的金庫這個國家的機會。 因此，我們來兌現這張支票 - 這張支票將給予我們的財富後，要求自由和正義的安全。 我們也來到​​這塊聖地，提醒美國激烈的緊迫性了。 這是沒有時間去從事豪華冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑。 現在是時候做出真正的承諾的民主。 現在是時候上升，從黑暗和荒涼山谷中分離到的金光大道了種族平等。 現在是時候把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中的兄弟情誼的磐石。 現在是時候讓正義成為現實的，所有上帝的兒女。


這將是致命的，對於國家忽視這一時刻的緊迫性。 這炎熱的夏天，黑人的合法不滿就不會過去，直到有一個朗朗秋日的自由和平等。 1963年不是一個結束，而是一個開端。 那些誰希望黑人只是需要出出氣，現在可以滿意的人將會大失所望如果國家對企業正常。 就不可能有安寧或平靜，美國，除非黑人得不到公民的權利。 反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基礎，直到正義的光明的一天出現。

但有一些話我必須要說我的人誰站在溫暖進入門檻，導致司法宮。 在這個過程中我們爭取合法地位的，我們絕不能犯的錯誤言行。 讓我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望從杯子喝苦澀和仇恨。

我們必須永遠舉止鬥爭的高度，尊嚴和紀律。 我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。 一次又一次，我們應該不斷昇華到崇高境界會議物質力量與精神力量。 新的奇蹟般的戰鬥席捲黑人社會不應導致我們對所有白人的不信任，對我們的許多白人兄弟，就證明了他們今天，已經認識到他們的命運與我們的命運綁。 他們認識到他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。 我們不能單獨行動。

當我們走，我們必須保證，我們將勇往直前。 我們不能回頭。 還有那些誰是要求信徒的公民權利，“你們什麼時候才能滿足？” 我們就決不會滿意，只要黑人依然是難以形容的受害者警察的暴行。 我們永遠無法得到滿足，只要我們的身體，沉重的疲勞旅行，不能獲得在住宿汽車旅館的公路和酒店的城市。 我們不能滿意，只要黑人的基本活動是從一個小貧民區轉移到大。 我們就決不會滿意，只要我們的孩子被剝去他們的個性和尊嚴的剝奪了他們的標誌，說明“僅供白人”。 我們不能滿意，只要在密西西比州的一個黑人不能參加選舉，在紐約的一個黑人認為他沒有什麼要為其投票。 不，不，我們不會滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正似水奔流正義如溪奔流。

我並非沒有注意到你們有些人來到這裡了巨大的痛苦和磨難。 你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。 你們有些人來自因追求自由，在您離開你飽受風雨交錯的迫害和被風吹警察的暴行。 你已經退伍軍人，歷盡苦難。 繼續努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救。

讓我們回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到喬治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到貧民窟中的貧民窟和我們北方城市，知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。 我們不要陷入絕望的山谷中。

今天我要告訴你，我的朋友，所以即使我們面對的困難，今天和明天，我仍然有一個夢想。 這是一個夢深深植根於美國夢。

我有一個夢：有一天，這個國家會站立起來，活出其信條的真諦：“我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。”

我有一個夢想，有一天在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子和昔日奴隸主的兒子將能夠坐到一起在餐桌上的兄弟情誼。

我有一個夢想：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一個國家悶熱與熱的不公正，熱浪滾滾，具有清熱壓迫，將改造成自由和公正的綠洲。

我有一個夢想，我的四個小孩將有一天生活在一個國家，他們將不會被判斷自己的皮膚的顏色，而是以他們的品格的內容。

我有一個夢想。

我有一個夢想：有一天，降臨在阿拉巴馬州，其惡毒的種族主義者和州長有他的嘴唇滴的話提出異議和無效;一天的權利在那裡，小黑人男孩和女孩將能加入小手與白人男孩和女孩，親如兄弟。

我有一個夢想。

我有一個夢想：有一天，每一個峽谷將升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎嶇粗糙的地方改造成平原，彎彎曲曲的地方變得筆直，上帝的榮耀得以展現，並所有的人都看見。

這是我們的希望。 這是我懷著這種信​​念回到南方。 有了這個信念，我們將能夠開採出來的石頭山絕望中的希望。 有了這個信念，我們將能夠改變我們國家的刺耳的不和，變成一隻美麗的兄弟情誼交響曲。 有了這個信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起鬥爭，一起坐牢，一起維護自由在一起，因為我們知道我們是會自由的一天。

這將有一天，那時，所有上帝的孩子們將能唱出新的含義，“我的祖國，對你，美麗的自由，我為您歌唱。國度，我的父親去世後，土地的朝聖者的驕傲從每一個山坡上，讓自由之聲。“

如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這一點必須要成真。 因此，讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔。 讓自由之聲響徹在崇山峻嶺紐約。 讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州的落基山脈白雪皚皚！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜斜坡！

不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲響徹石頭山格魯吉亞！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹每一座小丘密西西比州。 從每一片山坡上，讓自由之聲響徹。

當發生這種情況，當我們讓自由之聲轟響，當我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大小村莊，從每一個州和每一個城市，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時，所有上帝的兒女，黑人和白人男人，猶太人和非猶太人，新教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人字精神，“終於自由了！終於自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終於自由了！”

goahead

Thanks god, you help me a lot.